| Original caption: “Ike And Zhukov in Leningrad. General Eisenhower smiles to the crowds as he rides through the streets of Leningrad with Marshal Zhukov during a visit to the Russian city. Eisenhower’s visit was purely social. He was the guest of the Russian government.” In June 1945, General Dwight D. “Ike” Eisenhower (October 14, 1890 – March 28, 1969), 1st Military Governor of the American-occupied Zone of Germany, had been invited to visit the Soviet Union, but he had to decline because of a trip to the United States. After returning to Europe in the 1st week of August, he heard from Washington that Soviet Premier and Dictator Joseph Stalin (December 6, 1878 – March 5, 1953) had sent another invitation and that the American government hoped he would accept. Stalin suggested that Eisenhower arrive in Moscow in time to attend the National Sports Parade on August 12. The American commander promptly accepted and learned that Marshal of the Soviet Union Georgy K. Zhukov (December 1, 1896 – June 18, 1974) would accompany him to Moscow and act as his official host during his stay. Upon his arrival in Moscow, Eisenhower was quartered in Spasso House, the ambassador’s residence, with his friend W. Averell Harriman (November 15, 1891 – July 26, 1986). His 1st conference was with General Aleksei I. Antonov (September 9, 1896 – June 16, 1962), Red Army Chief of Staff, who took him into the war room and explained the disposition of the Soviet Armies in the Far East and plans for the campaign there. The day of the parade arrived, and Eisenhower and his party made their way to Red Square. The Soviet press, apparently following the Party line that too much emphasis must not be placed on the general’s importance, had printed only a brief announcement of his presence in Moscow. But as Eisenhower walked to the reviewing stand on that Sunday morning, the crowds broke out in spontaneous cheering which followed him the entire distance to the stand. “It takes some sort of spontaneous combustion,” wrote General Deane of this event, “to highlight the differences between the Party line and the will of the people, and it is only occasionally that one is aware that differences do exist.”*9 About 20,000 people were on hand to watch the parade. Everyone had to stand for the performance, and the American ambassador and his party were allotted a raised section of concrete at the stadium. Just after the Americans arrived, General Antonov came to Eisenhower with an invitation from Stalin to join him in his viewing stand atop Lenin’s tomb. “The Generalissimo says that if you would like to come he also invites two of your associates, if you would like to bring them,” Antonov said. Harriman quickly informed Eisenhower that this was a precedent-setting courtesy — that he had never known of a foreigner being invited to set foot on top of the tomb. The General accepted the invitation and asked Ambassador Harriman and United States Army Major General John R. Deane (March 18, 1896 – July 14, 1982), chief of the military mission to Moscow, to accompany him. The group stood atop the tomb for 5 hours, during which time Stalin and Eisenhower conversed intermittently through an interpreter. Stalin repeated several times that it was necessary for the Soviet Union and the United States to remain friends. He also stressed that there was much the American people could do to help the Soviet Union. “At that time,” Eisenhower wrote, “Marshal Zhukov was patently a great favorite with the Generalissimo. Zhukov was included in every conversation I had with Stalin and the two spoke to each other on terms of intimacy and cordiality. This was highly pleasing to me because of my belief in the friendliness and cooperative purpose of Marshal Zhukov.” When Stalin mentioned the work of the Allied Control Council, Eisenhower decided to urge for more authority for the Russian representatives. The problem had weighed heavily on his mind since the council’s inception and stemmed from the unwillingness of the Soviet government to allow Zhukov to make any independent decisions. He frequently seemed to be in agreement with some proposal of local importance, but he could never answer on his own authority. Eisenhower knew that everything he and his associates did was reported instantly to the Soviet capital, and he knew, too, that “national pride would impel the Russians to watch the comparative prestige and authority of their Berlin representative.” So he adopted a simple plan: to make Zhukov aware, whenever possible, that Washington accorded to him, Eisenhower, a degree of independence in dealing with all matters which did not run counter to fixed policy. When he had anything to discuss with Zhukov, he made it a point to see him just before or just after a formal meeting of the Allied Control Council. He then outlined the suggestion and placed it before Zhukov in the form of a definite proposal. With this he would remark: “If this project looks well to you, I am ready to put it into effect whenever you say. If you want some time for study, or if you would like to refer the matter to Moscow, I am quite content to await your answer. But I am ready to act instantly.” Once or twice, Eisenhower wrote, Zhukov was prompted to ask, “What will your government say about this?” To which Eisenhower replied, “If I sent such small details to Washington for decision I would be fired and my government would get someone who would handle these things himself.” Whether this personal campaign had any effect Eisenhower did not know, but he observed that Zhukov began to evince a greater independence at the meetings. “He discarded the practice of keeping his political adviser by his side and he would meet with no one present except an interpreter. Moreover, he became much more prone to say yes or no to a proposal than merely to ask for a delay in order to consider it.” Now, in Moscow, atop Lenin’s tomb, when Stalin mentioned the council, Eisenhower decided to continue his campaign to secure more powers for Zhukov. He said to the generalissimo: “Of course Marshal Zhukov and I get along splendidly. This is because great and powerful countries like yours and mine can afford to give their proconsuls in the field a sufficient amount of authority to achieve accord in local details and administrative matters. Smaller or weaker countries might possibly find it impossible to do this and difficulties would arise. But because Marshal Zhukov and I have such great leeway in reaching agreement we two usually overcome the little obstacles we encounter.” Stalin agreed with Eisenhower emphatically, saying, “There is no sense in sending a delegate somewhere if he is merely to be an errand boy. He must have authority to act.” After the parade had ended and Eisenhower and Zhukov prepared to leave, the crowd gave them a noisy ovation. Then Eisenhower threw his arm over Zhukov’s shoulder, and the burly marshal responded by embracing Eisenhower. With that, pandemonium broke loose, and the 2 leaders stood for some time waving to the screaming crowd. The only way they could end the demonstration was by leaving the box, and after about 10 minutes they did so. “There was nothing rehearsed about this,” asserts General Deane, “and it had nothing to do with ideologies or political aspirations. It was a sincere demonstration by a representative cross-section of the Russian people of their affection for the American people as embodied in Eisenhower. It was heart-warming and reassuring to us Americans who were there.” The next day Eisenhower and Zhukov visited a collective farm outside Moscow. The American general’s familiarity with farming and his interest in it enhanced his popularity with the Soviet farmers. When the 2 men left, they returned to Spasso House, and Eisenhower invited Zhukov to lunch. No Soviet official was allowed to accept invitations to homes of foreigners without approval by higher authority, and Zhukov was caught in an embarrassing situation. Since he could not bear to tell Eisenhower that he would have to get permission, he went on in and had lunch with his friend. General Deane remarked that “Eisenhower has never achieved a greater victory and I hope he fully appreciates it.” After lunch the 2 commanders had a friendly debate about the pros and cons of freedom of the press. Zhukov was not impressed by the American position. He was, Deane writes, “the product of generations that had never known individual freedom of any sort, and to him no argument could justify an individual expressing sentiments or thoughts either in writing or orally that were opposed to the interests of the state.” Eisenhower and Zhukov spent the next few days visiting various points of interest. While they were attending a reception given by Ambassador Harriman, the news of Japan’s surrender arrived. World War II was over. Zhukov accompanied Eisenhower and the General’s son, John (August 3, 1922 – December 21, 2013), a young army lieutenant who had come to Moscow with his father, to Leningrad. At a luncheon in their honor Marshal Zhukov called upon John to propose a toast. The Lieutenant rose to his feet and spoke: “I have been in Russia several days and have listened to many toasts. I have heard the virtues of every Allied ruler, every prominent marshal, general, admiral, and air commander toasted. I have yet to hear a toast to the most important Russian in World War II. Gentlemen, will you please drink with me to the common soldier of the great Red Army.” Eisenhower commented that his son’s toast “was greeted with greater enthusiasm and shouts of approval than any other I heard during the days when we heard so many.” Marshal Zhukov was especially pleased and remarked to Eisenhower that they both must be getting old when they had to wait for a young lieutenant to remind them “who really won the war.” Eisenhower’s visit drew to a close, and Zhukov accompanied him back to Berlin. The flight to Germany was extremely enlightening to Eisenhower, and doubtless to Zhukov as well. What Eisenhower learned helped shed light on the Russian conduct of the war: “Because of his special position for several years in the Red Army he had had a longer experience as a responsible leader in great battles than any other man of our time. It seems that he was habitually sent to whatever Russian sector appeared at the moment to be the decisive one. By his descriptions of the composition of the Russian Army, of the terrain over which it fought, and of his reasons for his strategic decisions, it was clear that he was an accomplished soldier.” The 2 leaders discussed the strength of combat units. American divisions were maintained, Zhukov learned, at a strength of 17,000 men. The marshal said that Soviet divisions tried to keep their numbers at about 8,000 but that during a long campaign some were depleted to 3 or 4,000 men. Zhukov described to Eisenhower the Soviet method of attacking through minefields. The German minefields, always covered by defensive fire, had caused many casualties among the Allied armies. Zhukov told Eisenhower that when Red Army troops approached a minefield they moved forward exactly as if it were not there, Soviet theory being that losses from antipersonnel mines would be no greater than those which would have been inflicted by machine guns and artillery if the enemy had chosen to defend the area with troops. When the infantrymen had passed through a mined area, they established a bridgehead, after which combat engineers cleared out the vehicular mines. The differences between American and Soviet views on war were immediately apparent to Eisenhower: Americans assess the cost of war in terms of human lives, while the Soviets are concerned with the over-all drain on the nation. To Eisenhower, Zhukov appeared to have little concern for methods, considered important by Americans, of maintaining morale: rotation of units, passes, furloughs, recreational facilities, and, most important of all, avoidance of unnecessary battlefield risks. The marshal felt, however, that the destruction of the enemy’s morale must always be a goal of the high command. Zhukov showed complete unconcern for Russian soldiers who had been captured. “What did you care,” he asked, “about men the Germans had captured? They had surrendered and could not fight any more.” Nor did he show much interest in measures to protect the foot soldier, such as getting him into battle without the fatigue of long, exhausting marches. He viewed such measures as too costly. The Soviets seemed to think that great victories inevitably require high casualties, Eisenhower concluded. | |
| Image Filename | wwii0892.jpg |
| Image Size | 353.65 KB |
| Image Dimensions | 1976 x 1580 |
| Photographer | |
| Photographer Title | |
| Caption Author | Written or Adapted by Jason McDonald |
| Date Photographed | August 15, 1945 |
| Location | |
| City | Leningrad |
| State or Province | Leningrad |
| Country | Soviet Union |
| Archive | |
| Record Number | |
| Status | Caption ©2026 MFA Productions LLC Please Do Not Duplicate or Distribute Without Permission; Image in the Public Domain |
Author of the World War II Multimedia Database