| Original caption: “Field Marshal Wilhelm Keitel, signing the ratified surrender terms for the German Army at Russian Headquarters in Berlin.” Generalfeldmarschall Wilhelm Keitel (September 22, 1882 – October 16, 1946), Chef des Oberkommandos der Wehrmacht (OKW), signs the Instrument of Surrender for the Flensburg Government of Lutz Graf Schwerin von Krosigk (August 22, 1887 – March 4, 1977) under Reichspräsident Großadmiral Karl Dönitz (September 16, 1891 – December 24, 1980). Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force (SHAEF) was now honoring its commitment to hold a 2nd surrender ceremony in Berlin. The delegation of Western Allies had reached Karlshorst District in the early afternoon. It had been decided that United States Army General Dwight D. “Ike” Eisenhower (October 14, 1890 – March 28, 1969), Supreme Commander SHAEF, would be represented by United Kingdom Royal Air Force Air Chief Marshal Sir Arthur Tedder (July 11, 1890 – June 3, 1967), Deputy Supreme Commander. But before the delegation had set off, Eisenhower took further action to repair the breach with Russia. He sent an urgent recommendation to both the American and British governments: “With reference to the message from the Russian High Command — the one objecting to the initial surrender on May 7 in Rheims — forwarded to both governments, referring to the possibility of the Germans continuing to fight against the Russians after the agreed upon hour for the cessation of hostilities, I recommend as a matter of urgency that both governments send a message along the following lines to the Russian High Command: ‘The unconditional surrender of Germany was made jointly to Russia and to the Allied Forces and any continuation of hostilities, after the agreed upon hour for cessation, is an offense against Russia and the western Allies. Consequently, if any sizable bodies of German forces make any such attempt, they will no longer have the status of soldiers. You may be assured that General Eisenhower will, under such circumstances, continue to cooperate closely with the Red Army, looking toward eliminating such bodies and operating along such lines as may be indicated to him as desirable by the Russian High Command. We do not accept that any German forces may continue to fight against the Red Army without, in effect, fighting our own troops also.’ I think that some such assurance as this would be beneficial — particularly because it seems inescapable that Britain and America must make the announcement [of Victory in Europe Day] today, and which the Russians feel should be postponed until tomorrow, May 9.” This was Eisenhower at his best—proactive, clear, firm, and generous. There is little doubt that this reassurance eased the tension between the Western Allies and the Soviet Union. At Allied Supreme Headquarters, General Dwight Eisenhower sensed that he had mastered the storm. Others would have lacked his patience, humility, and integrity. Eisenhower confided his inner thoughts about this crisis in the Grand Alliance to his friend and patron, United States Army Chief of Staff George C. Marshall (December 31, 1880 – October 16, 1959): “A group of my representatives, headed by my Deputy Supreme Commander [Tedder], have just departed for Berlin to sign, in company with [Marshal of the Soviet Union Georgy K. Zhukov (December 1, 1896 – June 18, 1974)], the formal Instrument of Military Surrender. The meeting, completely concurred with by the Russians, finally relieved my mind of my anxiety due to the danger of misunderstanding and trouble at the last meeting [the Rheims surrender signing]. This anxiety has been intensified by skillful German propaganda inspired by the German desire to surrender to us instead of the Russians. All the evidence shows that the Germans in the east are being paid back in the same coin that they used in their Russian campaigns of 1941 and 1942, and they are now completely terrified — individually and collectively — of Russian vengeance. If it is true, as alleged, that the head of the Associated Press Bureau here broke the pledge of secrecy under which he was permitted to witness negotiations, and in addition, used commercial lines out of Paris merely to get a scoop for his company, then he was guilty of something that might have had the most unfortunate repercussions, involving additional loss of American lives. The last four days have taken more out of me and my staff than the past eleven months of this campaign. However, as noted above, I am at last reasonably certain that insofar as hostilities are concerned, the Russians and ourselves are now in complete understanding and the meeting today should be marked by cordiality.” But there was 1 last problem — the alteration of the original treaty — signed at Rheims — by providing an additional clause concerning the immediate surrender of German weapons and troops. The Germans were justified in asserting that the original text was binding under international law. When Field Marshal Keitel was given a copy of the new surrender text at Berlin’s Tempelhof Airport, this crucial interpolation was heavily underscored, and a note in the margin stated “New!” Keitel clarified to Zhukov that he would not sign the revised surrender terms unless further clarification were provided. He stated: “The basic modification was the interpolation of a clause threatening to punish troops who failed to cease fire and surrender at the time provided. I told the interpreter that I demanded to speak to a representative from Marshal Zhukov, as I would not sign such an interpolation unconditionally. I explained that I objected because I could not guarantee that our cease-fire orders would be received in time, resulting in the troops’ commanders feeling justified in failing to comply with any demands. I demanded that a [further] clause be written in that the surrender would only come into force twenty-four hours after our troops had received the orders; only then would the penalty clause take effect.” About an hour later, Zhukov’s representative was back with the news that the Marshal had agreed to a 12-hour grace period being given. Behind this last round of negotiating was the very real fear — on the part of the Russians — that Germany would still not abide by the terms of unconditional surrender. On the German side was a wish to continue to play for time, which might allow, even at this late stage, more of their troops to surrender to the Western Allies. As the signing drew closer, the issue raised its head again. Keitel noticed that Zhukov had not inserted the “twelve-hour” clause into the surrender document as agreed. There was another delay. After the postponement, everyone assembled for the surrender ceremony at 2230 Hours that night. It was staged in a plain, concrete-built former German engineering works simply because most of its buildings were still intact. The room was much larger than the 1 at Rheims, about 60 feet (18 meters) long and 40 feet (12 meters) wide, with 2 levels and a small balcony running along 1 side. The delegation from the Western Allies consisted of Air Chief Marshal Sir Arthur Tedder, Eisenhower’s deputy; French Army General Jean de Lattre de Tassigny (February 2, 1889 – January 11, 1952), Commandant de Première Armée; and United States Army Air Force General Carl A. “Tooey” Spaatz (June 28, 1891 – July 14, 1974), Commander, 8th Air Force. Eisenhower’s driver, Captain Kay Summersby (November 23, 1908 – January 20, 1975), recalled the scene: “The huge room was banked with klieg lights — quite blinding as we stepped in from the dim hallway. Inside were the Russian press, numbered about a hundred, and movie cameras were placed in almost every conceivable spot. Microphones hung from the ceiling and sprouted from the floor, creating a spider’s web of wires and cables. A long table at one end of the room commanded all the attention. From it stretched three other tables, for the press and smaller fry. Set apart, under the balcony, was a small table — apparently reserved for the surrendering Germans. There was a momentary silence as Marshal Zhukov, a short, stocky officer with a stern expression, entered the room. Everyone stood. As we sat again, he called the proceedings to order.” Summersby was struck by the commanding influence of Soviet Deputy Commissar for Foreign Affairs Andrei Vyshinsky, who seemed to hover over the entire proceedings. Even Zhukov deferred to him. At this moment of military victory, the Kremlin reassigned its authority over the army. Then the signal was given for the enemy’s entrance. Silence smothered the babble as the door opened just behind the empty table. Every pair of eyes in the room focused on a tall German officer in a smart blue-gray Field Marshal’s uniform, his chest covered with decorations and medals, his head poised high. He stepped stiffly to the table, jerked up his silver-headed baton in curt salute, and sat down. The noise rose again. No 1 seemed to notice the other 2 Germans who took their places beside Keitel: Generaladmiral Hans-Georg von Friedeburg (July 15, 1895 – May 23, 1945), Oberbefehlshaber der Kriegsmarine, and Luftwaffe Generaloberst Hans-Jürgen Stumpff (June 15, 1889 – March 9, 1968). But German concerns over the clause inserted by the Russians were brought forward again. American war correspondent Charles Kiley (November 23, 1913 – January 27, 2001), writing for Stars and Stripes, recalled: “Keitel, tall and erect, was a model of Prussian arrogance to the end. After he had been called from the German delegates’ table to the one occupied by the Allied officers to sign, he returned to his seat. He bitterly argued a point in the surrender.” Again, he wanted more time to inform German units of the new provision. And the “twelve-hour” clause promised by Zhukov was still not in the official document. It was now 2258 Hours Central European Time. A further round of argument continued in the surrender hall. The ceasefire was formally to take effect at 1 minute past midnight. As that time was reached, both sides remained deadlocked. The impasse was broken only when Marshal Zhukov yelled across the room: “I give you my word as a soldier!” It was already several minutes past midnight. Kiley’s account continued: “The three principal German delegates then took their seats on the opposite side of the Allied table. Air Marshal Tedder addressed them: ‘I ask you—have you read this document on unconditional surrender and are you prepared to sign it?’ The Germans nodded.” Marshal Zhukov and Air Chief Marshal Tedder signed as representatives of the Allies, followed by Generals Spaatz and De Tassigny as witnesses. Kiley recalled: “While Stumpff was signing, and the documents were being passed to Zhukov, Tedder, Spaatz and de Lattre, Keitel first became annoyed by the photographers darting around the room and then called the Russian interpreter to discuss once more the possibility of having the ‘end of hostilities’ clause removed.” The interminable delays to the signing ceremony mirrored the Germans’ reluctance to surrender to the Russians. Finally, Keitel conceded. Kay Summersby remembered the moment: “The Field Marshal carefully pulled off one gray glove before taking the pen. He looked up contemptuously at the boisterous newsmen, then scribbled his signature, as though anxious to dispense with a dirty job…” Then Zhukov gave an order of dismissal. “The Nazis arose as at a parade-ground command. Keitel again jerked his baton in a brief salute. They left the room with an exit as dramatic as their entrance…Now, even for the Russians, VE-Day was official.” However, Field Marshal Keitel’s reluctance to accept the additional clause had further aroused Soviet suspicions. In a private room at 0100 Hours on May 9, the Russians now interrogated Keitel on German good faith over the military surrender. Proceedings were led by Colonel General Ivan Serov (August 13, 1905 – July 1, 1990), Narodnyy Komissariat Vnutrennikh Del (NKVD) Commander in the 1st Belorussian Front. He emphasized that the Red Army would not accept any delay in implementing the surrender. On the afternoon of May 9, Keitel offered to send an officer of the Army General Staff, with maps showing the full deployment of German forces in the east and their commanders. The next day, May 10, Keitel believed liaison officers would be in place to resolve any outstanding issues. Serov turned to the so-called Dönitz government, saying it was acting as a legitimate administration when such a situation did not exist in Flensburg. Keitel temporized, saying more time was needed to set up an alternative government that could work with the Allies. Serov asked on what authority Dönitz called himself head of state. Keitel referred back to Hitler’s will. Serov remained unconvinced. At 0130 Hours, the victors reassembled in the place of surrender, now converted into a banqueting hall, complete with an orchestra in the balcony, to celebrate their victory. The meal lasted 4 hours. Summersby wisely drank water: “By five o’clock in the morning, even the expert interpreter couldn’t understand the toasts. The majority of the banquet guests were drunk. Several Russians literally went under the table. Songs bubbled up in four languages. The orchestra, which had struck chords for every toast, began to lose its way as the vodka cloud permeated the balcony. As the party broke up just before dawn, there had been twenty-nine individual toasts, each requiring five to ten minutes for translation, plus the musical chord. We all agreed we had been in on the VE party to end all VE parties.” Marshal Zhukov wrote of this occasion: “After the signing, I congratulated everyone present. Then an incredible commotion broke out in the hall. Everyone was congratulating one another and shaking hands. Many had tears of joy in their eyes. My comrades-in-arms surrounded me.” The 2nd toast Marshal Zhukov made, after the obligatory 1 to Soviet Premier and Dictator Joseph Stalin (December 6, 1878 – March 5, 1953), was to General Eisenhower. The Soviet commander praised him as a great general and 1 of America’s outstanding sons.” And of the banquet, and the singing and dancing that followed, Zhukov added: “The Soviet generals were unrivaled as far as dancing went. I could not restrain myself, and remembering my youth, did the Russkaya dance. We left the banquet hall to the accompaniment of a cannonade from all types of weapons on the occasion of the victory. The shooting went on in all parts of Berlin and its suburbs. Although shots were fired into the air, fragments from mines, shells, and bullets fell to the ground, and it was not completely safe to walk in the open. But how different it was from the danger to which we had grown accustomed during the long years of the war!” For Zhukov, the Soviet Union’s most gifted and ruthless commander, it was a decisive moment of relaxation, happiness, and deep pride. “Where Zhukov goes, victory will follow,” Red Army soldiers would say. That victorious road, which had begun at Leningrad and Moscow in 1941, had now reached Berlin. It was right that Zhukov led the signing at Karlshorst — for the Soviet Union and the world. It was Russia that had ripped the guts out of the German war machine — and paid the price in the blood of 27,000,000 of its soldiers and civilians. Zhukov evoked a universal bond of military comradeship. He had celebrated the war’s end in Berlin. Act of Military Surrender 1. We, the undersigned, acting by authority of the German High Command, hereby surrender unconditionally to the Supreme Commander, Allied Expeditionary Force and simultaneously to the Supreme High Command of the Red Army all forces on land, sea, and in the air who are at this date under German control. 2. The German High Command will at once issue orders to all German military, naval and air authorities and to all forces under German control to cease active operations at 2301 hours Central European time on 8th May 1945, to remain in the positions occupied at that time and to disarm completely, handing over their weapons and equipment to the local allied commanders or officers designated by Representatives of the Allied Supreme Commands. No ship, vessel, or aircraft is to be scuttled, or any damage done to their hull, machinery, or equipment, and also to machines of all kinds, armament, apparatus, and all the technical means of prosecution of war in general. 3. The German High Command will at once issue to the appropriate commanders, and ensure the carrying out of any further orders issued by the Supreme Commander, Allied Expeditionary Force, and by the Supreme High Command of the Red Army. 4. This act of military surrender is without prejudice to, and will be superseded by any general instrument of surrender imposed by, or on behalf of the United Nations and applicable to Germany and the German armed forces as a whole. 5. In the event of the German High Command or any of the forces under their control failing to act in accordance with this Act of Surrender, the Supreme Commander, Allied Expeditionary Force and the Supreme High Command of the Red Army will take such punitive or other action as they deem appropriate. 6. This Act is drawn up in the English, Russian and German languages. The English and Russian are the only authentic texts. Signed at Berlin on the 8. day of May, 1945 Von Friedeburg, Keitel, Stumpff On behalf of the German High Command In the presence of: A. W. Tedder, On behalf of the Supreme Commander Allied Expeditionary Force Georgi Zhukov, On behalf of the Supreme High Command of the Red Army At the signing were also present as witnesses: F. de Lattre-Tassigny, General Commanding in Chief, 1st French Army Carl Spaatz, General, Commanding, United States Strategic Air Force United States Army Lieutenant Leo S. Moore (May 21, 1904 – July 22, 1981) was working in public relations in London when Eisenhower selected him to be his personal photographer. He often joined Eisenhower on his travels. He photographed the Ohrdruf Konzentrationslager. Moore attended his ticker-tape parade in New York City in June 1945 with Eisenhower. He was the head projectionist for Metro Goldwyn Meyer after the war. | |
| Image Filename | wwii0878.jpg |
| Image Size | 803.36 KB |
| Image Dimensions | 2920 x 2228 |
| Photographer | Leo S. Moore |
| Photographer Title | United States Army Signal Corps |
| Caption Author | Written or Adapted by Jason McDonald |
| Date Photographed | May 9, 1945 |
| Location | |
| City | Berlin |
| State or Province | Berlin |
| Country | Germany |
| Archive | National Archives and Records Administration |
| Record Number | NWDNS-111-SC-206292 |
| Status | Caption ©2026 MFA Productions LLC Please Do Not Duplicate or Distribute Without Permission; Image in the Public Domain |
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